On November 5th 2009, Major Nidal Malik Hasan
allegedly perpetrated the worst mass shooting to occur on a United States
military base when thirteen people succumbed to their bullet wounds in the
Soldier Readiness Processing Center at Fort Hood. At the time of the attack, Hasan
had been in the Army over twenty years and served as a psychiatrist. He is
currently awaiting trial for the murders.
In the aftermath, several of those involved have joined a
class action lawsuit against the Army seeking $70 Million in compensations for
the government’s failure to prevent the tragedy citing “willful negligence
prompted by political correctness.” One of the most powerful grievances is that
the Department of Defense has refused to classify the incident as a “terrorist
attack,” instead choosing to classify it as an act of “workplace violence.”
This distinction is important since this would allow victims
and their families to receive combat benefits in addition to the routine
medical benefits available to all service members. The argument is a convincing
one: Hasan was a practicing Muslim who reportedly shouted “Allah Akbar!” before commencing the attack. Furthermore Anwar
al-Aulaqi, who recruited for Al Qaeda and was later killed in a targeted drone
strike, praised the attack and cited e-mail communications between himself and
Hasan as proof of their collaboration. The DOD and the FBI insist that Hasan
acted alone without external direction of any kind.
This is a complex situation due in no small part to how one
defines a terrorist attack. If the parameters we set forth must include indiscriminate
mass American casualties perpetrated by someone with a religious motive, then a
very convincing case could be made that this was indeed a terrorist act.
However, these very same parameters would exclude incidents like the Oklahoma
City bombing where the perpetrators had only political motivations. Simply
including political motivations is just as rudderless since a political view
being nefarious or heroic tends to evolve with time and perspective. (We revere
George Washington now, but the Americans on the other side of the Whiskey
Rebellion saw themselves as rescuing the country from a tyrannical president
overstepping his constitutional powers.)
Since most reasonable people could agree that the
simultaneous murder of 168 US citizens should easily qualify as terrorism, we
are then forced to drop the “religious” or “political” prerequisite leaving us
with only the “indiscriminate mass American casualties” aspect. Of course, we
must immediately exclude any loss of life that occurred during a war or ongoing
US military operation since that has its own designation and we are left with
only the infinitely murky realm of personal motivation to define a terrorist.
It is this very ambiguity that lends The Patriot Act its
immense power and allows government agencies to circumvent the due process of
an American citizen simply by designating them a “terrorism suspect” in an
ongoing investigation. If we cannot agree on what constitutes a terrorist, then
why should we allow that classification to weaken a person’s protection under
the Fourth Amendment? Depending on who you ask, a terrorist could be anyone
from Charles Manson to a low-level pot dealer.
More to the point, a 1950 Supreme Court ruling gives the military
immunity from lawsuits seeking compensation for “injuries incurred in the armed
services.” The same ruling was most recently invoked by the justice department
to dismiss Cioca v. Rumsfeld, a class
action suit representing 28 plaintiffs who were sexually assaulted by fellow
soldiers while on active duty. The judge ruled that even rape is covered as a
hazard of American military service.
Legal precedent aside, each and every victim should be given
the utmost support and care by the country they defend. Should that care go
above and beyond what a soldier injured on the battlefield qualifies for simply
because it was perpetrated inside a domestic military installation by a fellow
solider? That is the real question.
I would agree that there were warning signs as to Hasan’s
mental instability as we have several reports of colleagues at Walter Reed Army
Medical Center reporting he suffered from “paranoia” and other schizophrenic
tendencies, but leaving them unaddressed as a result of “political correctness”
is tougher to prove. This is especially true since Hasan didn’t even bother to
identify himself as Muslim on Army paperwork and we have over 3,000 service
members who do openly identify themselves as Muslims serving honorably.
It is abhorrent that any soldier should have to fear for his
or her own safety while on a US military installation, and I am not sure that
the 60-year old statute doesn’t need some updating. That being said, if this
lawsuit meets the same fate as Cioca v.
Rumsfeld perhaps we can take some solace in the fact that our legal system
is adept at fairly applying an unfair doctrine.
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